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Einstein on Peace
Albert
Einstein, the scientist whose theories of relativity
led to the development of atomic energy and weapons,
was a dedicated pacifist and advocate of world
government.
He was born March 14, 1879 in Ulm, Germany.
He grew up in Munich where he attended strict
schools in which he performed poorly.
His mother insisted he take violin lessons, and
his uncles introduced him to mathematics and science.
At the age of 5 he wondered why a compass always
pointed north, and at 12 he began a quest to understand
the mystery of the "huge world."
He continued to have difficulty in school until
he moved to Switzerland where in 1900 he graduated
in physics from the reputable Polytechnic Academy
in Zurich.
He gained Swiss citizenship and got a job in the
patent office in Bern examining inventions.
In 1905 Einstein began to publish important papers
in theoretical physics, particularly on the special
theory of relativity, which synthesized the law
of the conservation of the mass with the law of
the conservation of energy into an equivalence
in terms of the speed of light squared: E = mc2
(squared), the three-dimensional coordinates of
space and the one of time were also joined into
the four-dimensional continuum of space-time.
Einstein gained some recognition from eminent
physicists and began teaching at universities
in Switzerland and Germany.
He moved his family to Berlin in April 1914 to
accept a position with the Prussian Academy.
Einstein hated the war and criticized German militarism
but he devoted himself to his scientific work.
He published "The Foundation of the General Theory
of Relativity" in 1916.
Using the space-time continuum concept he postulated
that gravity is not a force as much as a field
shaped by bodies of mass.
His theory was proved correct when he accurately
predicted that even light from stars would bend
when passing near the sun; this was measured and
verified by Arthur Eddington during a total eclipse
in 1919.
Einstein was now internationally acclaimed as
perhaps the greatest scientist of the twentieth
century.
In 1921 he was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physics.
Einstein spent the rest of his scientific career
working on his unified field theory, attempting
to find the mathematical relationship between
the electromagnetic field and the gravitational
field.
However, quantum theory and the uncertainty principle
thwarted his efforts to find a formula which could
predict subatomic events.
Einstein clung to his belief that the universe
is comprehensible, saying that God does not play
dice with the world.
As a world-famous celebrity Einstein's statements
on peace were given considerable publicity.
When the first World War began, Einstein and two
others signed a statement by Georg Friedrich Nicholai
challenging the "Manifesto to Europeans," which
was a blatant promotion of German militarism that
had been signed by ninety-three prominent Germans.
Nicolai's statement warned that every nation in
the war would pay a heavy price, and he suggested
a League of Europeans to achieve unity.
During the war Einstein was a founder and supporter
of the New Fatherland League which sought to establish
after the war a supranational organization to
prevent future wars.
He gleefully smuggled pacifist literature to his
friend Nicholai in prison.
In 1915 he signed a declaration by this League
criticizing annexationist policies of the Chancellor.
In a letter to the French pacifist writer, Romain
Rolland, Einstein compared the "insanity of nationalism"
to the religious fanaticism of three centuries
earlier which had caused so many useless wars.
In 1917 he wrote again to Rolland suggesting a
"military arbitration pact among America, Britain,
France and Russia" which any democratic nation
could join.
Although Einstein was not religious in the traditional
sense, he was proud of being a Jew. Within the
war atmosphere that swept up so many around him,
he wrote to an academic, "I prefer to string along
with my compatriot, Jesus Christ, whose doctrines
you and your kind consider to be obsolete. Suffering
is indeed more acceptable to me than resort to
violence." Late in 1918 when Germany was undergoing
revolution, Einstein gave a speech at the Reichstag
suggesting to the revolutionary committees, "Our
common goal is democracy, the rule of the people,"
but warning them, "Do not be lured by feelings
of vengeance to the fateful view that violence
must be fought with violence, that a dictatorship
of the proletariat is temporarily needed in order
to hammer the concept of freedom into the heads
of our fellow countrymen. Force breeds only bitterness,
hatred and reaction."
After the war Einstein favored the publication
of the war crimes committed by the German High
Command in Belgium and France to communicate to
Germans how the others felt in order to "prevent
the emergence of a spirit of vengefulness."
In 1922 he made a trip to Paris to discuss with
political figures methods of preventing wars,
and returning to Germany he spoke again in the
Reichstag at a meeting of the German Peace Federation
calling for goodwill between peoples of different
languages and cultures.
In a German pacifist publication Einstein explained
how war blocks international cooperation and culture
by destroying intellectual freedom, chaining the
energies of the young to the engines of destruction,
and causing economic depression.
Einstein supported the League of Nations, but
he resigned from the League Committee on Intellectual
Cooperation in 1923 when France did not agree
to arbitration concerning Germany's war-reparations
payment. He felt that the League was merely a
tool of the dominant nations.
In 1924 he was re-elected to that Committee and
decided to "let bygones be bygones" and accept
the position, hoping that the League would "live
up to its great mission of creating a world of
peace."
In 1928 Einstein began recommending that individuals
refuse military service and any participation
in war activities. During this period Einstein's
pacifism was absolute, and he believed that any
killing of a human being, even during war, is
murder.
He saw how science and technology were changing
warfare, and he believed that international conventions
to limit the applications of science did not solve
the real problem, which was how to end war by
establishing international justice.
In pleading for disarmament, Einstein felt that
its risks and sacrifices were less than the risks
and sacrifices of war. People ought to refuse
to kill other innocent people.
However, he saw that Europe was systematically
preparing for war, and he predicted, "An impotent
League of Nations will not be able to command
even moral authority in the hour of nationalist
madness."
The production of armaments, for Einstein, was
damaging not only economically but also spiritually.
In 1930 he signed a manifesto for world disarmament
sponsored by the Women's International League
for Peace and Freedom.
The same year Einstein warned the Zionist movement
that he would not continue to support them unless
they made peace with the Arabs.
On December 14, 1930 Einstein made his famous
statement in New York that if two per cent of
those called for military service were to refuse
to fight and were to urge peaceful means of settling
international conflicts, then governments would
become powerless since they could not imprison
that many people.
He struggled against compulsory military service
and urged international protection of conscientious
objectors. He concluded that peace, freedom for
individuals and security for societies depended
on disarmament; otherwise, "slavery of the individual
and the annihilation of civilization threaten
us."
As part of his work for intellectual cooperation
Einstein wrote an open letter to Sigmund Freud
in 1932 asking him to discuss the causes and cures
of war.
In his letter Einstein suggested that an international
legislative and judicial body was needed to solve
conflicts and maintain security. In his carefully
reasoned response Freud came to the same conclusion
that Einstein had intuitively grasped.
Later that year Einstein supported the French
Premier Herriot's proposal for "a police force
which would be subject to the authority of international
organs."
Early in 1933 Einstein warned that powerful industrial
interests which produce arms were trying to sabotage
efforts to settle international disputes peacefully.
When Hitler and the Nazi Party came to power in
1933 Einstein left Germany for good and settled
at Princeton, where he joined the Institute for
Advanced Study.
He saw that Germany was "secretly arming at a
great pace," and noticing "the desire for revenge
among the educated," he predicted "the sacrifice
of a terrifying number of human lives and untold
destruction."
Being realistic about this danger he ceased to
be an absolute pacifist although he still recommended
a supranational organization of force, in its
absence he felt that the democracies ought to
prepare to defend themselves.
He was criticized by some pacifists, but Einstein
felt that it would be foolish to close one's eyes
to the Nazi menace.
He tried to communicate the dreadfulness of Fascism
and the Nazis' fanatical drive toward war. He
encouraged the United States to join the League
of Nations and to make it an effective instrument
of international security.
By 1935 he estimated that war would come in two
or three years. He reiterated the need for world
government: "First, create the idea of supersovereignty:
men must be taught to think in world terms; every
country will have to surrender a portion of its
sovereignty through international cooperation."
In 1937 he declared that true pacifism works for
international law, while neutrality and isolation
practiced by a great power contribute to international
anarchy and consequently to war.
Einstein's famous formula E= mc2 (squared) indicates
that a very small amount of matter may be converted
into a tremendous amount of energy.
In July 1939 Leo Szilard told Einstein about the
work under way which showed that through nuclear
fission a chain reaction might be started.
This was a shock to Einstein. Four and a half
years earlier he had discounted the likelihood
of releasing energy from a molecule, saying, "It
is something like shooting birds in the dark in
a country where there are only a few birds."
Now he immediately realized the danger if Germany
were to get uranium from the Belgian Congo, and
he agreed to contact the Belgium government through
his friend, Queen Elizabeth.
Alexander Sachs, one of President Roosevelt's
unofficial advisors, suggested to Einstein that
he address a letter directly to the President.
On August 2, 1939 Einstein wrote to President
Roosevelt explaining how nuclear chain reactions
in a large mass of uranium could generate large
amounts of power and radium like elements.
In fact, in the immediate future, a powerful enough
bomb could be built to destroy an entire port.
He pointed out that the best uranium is found
in Canada, the former Czechoslovakia, and especially
the Belgian Congo, and he had heard that Germany
had stopped the sale of uranium from the Czechoslovakian
mines.
He added, "The son of the German Under-Secretary
of State, von Weiszacker, is attached to the Kaiser
Wilhelm Institut in Berlin, where some of the
American work on uranium is now being repeated."
The letter, with a memorandum by Szilard, actually
was not delivered to the President by Sachs until
October 11.
President Roosevelt immediately appointed an Advisory
Committee on Uranium.
Later Einstein considered the writing of this
letter the one great mistake of his life; at the
time he felt justified because of the danger that
the Germans would make atom bombs.
This was the extent of Einstein's role in nuclear
energy; he did not know an atomic bomb had been
developed by the United States until he heard
of he Hiroshima blast.
For the rest of his life Einstein emphasized the
need for a supranational organization with the
authority and power to maintain international
security.
With the unleashing of the atomic bomb in 1945
his pleas became even more fervent.
As a knowledgeable scientist he felt that it was
his responsibility to inform the public of the
enormity of the danger. The United Nations was
a step in the right direction, but from the beginning
Einstein believed that it was "a tragic illusion
unless we are ready to take the further steps
necessary to organize peace."
There must be effective world law with a Federal
Constitution and a permanent world court to restrain
the executive branch of the world government from
going beyond peace-keeping.
National military power must be abandoned in favor
of the supranational authority.
Otherwise war preparations inevitably lead to
war, and in the atomic age there is the danger
of pre-emptive war and the possibility of total
annihilation.
Einstein supported efforts to strengthen the United
Nations and give it the powers it needs. Survival,
he felt, must be the first priority, and survival
depends on world government.
There is no defense against nuclear weapons. Einstein
evaluated every nation's foreign policy by one
criterion: "Does it lead us to a world of law
and order or does it lead us back toward anarchy
and death?" He said, "We need a great chain reaction
of awareness and communication."
Einstein criticized as political exploitation
the policy of stockpiling atomic bombs without
promising not to initiate their use.
In 1947 only the United States had atomic weapons;
however, the cold war had already begun, and the
Soviet Union was developing them also.
Both sides refused to consider supranational control,
and Einstein lamented that the victors of the
second world war had degraded themselves to the
low ethics of their enemy and remained at that
level after the war.
In 1948 Einstein predicted that the arms race
would increase tension between the United States
and the Soviet Union, undermine the democratic
spirit in America, impose heavy and unnecessary
economic burdens due to the unproductive work,
and generate that militaristic spirit which Toynbee
said is fatal to civilizations.
For Einstein, the problem of peace and security
was far more important than the conflict between
socialism and capitalism.
Einstein worked with the Emergency Committee of
Atomic Scientists to educate people about the
dangers of atomic war and the necessity of effective
world government.
By 1949 the Soviet Union had atomic weapons, and
the United States had begun working on the hydrogen
bomb. Einstein's prophecy that the cold war would
threaten democratic principles in the United States
came to pass with the operations of the House
un-American Activities Committee (HUAC).
He recommended that intellectuals use Gandhi's
method of non-cooperation by refusing to testify.
Einstein believed that Gandhi held the most enlightened
political views and that his method of non-violent
revolution is the only way of bringing peace to
the world on a supranational basis.
With this method the small countries together
could become a decisive factor in the world. Nevertheless
he felt that a responsible statesman would not
use Gandhi's methods unilaterally until there
had been a period of transition .
In the last week of his life Einstein collaborated
with Bertrand Russell on a manifesto concluding
with a resolution to be presented to a world convention
of scientists which read:
In view of the fact that in any future world war
nuclear weapons will certainly be employed, and
that such weapons threaten the continued existence
of mankind, we urge the governments of the world
to realize, and to acknowledge publicly, that
their purposes cannot be furthered by a world
war, and we urge them, consequently, to find peaceful
means for the settlement of all matters of dispute
between them.
When Einstein died on April 18, 1955 he left a
piece of writing ending in an unfinished sentence.
There were his last words:
In essence, the conflict that exists today is
no more than an old-style struggle for power,
once again presented to mankind in semireligious
trappings.
The difference is that, this time, the development
of atomic power has imbued the struggle with a
ghostly character; for both parties know and admit
that, should the quarrel deteriorate into actual
war, mankind is doomed.
Despite this knowledge, statesmen in responsible
positions on both sides continue to employ the
well-known technique of seeking to intimidate
and demoralize the opponent by marshaling superior
military strength.
They do so even though such a policy entails the
risk of war and doom.
Not one statesman in a position of responsibility
has dared to pursue the only course that holds
out any promise of peace, the course of supranational
security, since for a statesman to follow such
a course would be tantamount to political suicide.
Political passions, once they have been fanned
into flame, exact their victims...
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